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Walter Lippmann in the Herald Tribune, July 15, 1936

Walter Lippmann

Walter Lippmann (1889-1974) was born in New York City and graduated from Harvard in 1909. He held a long series of journalistic positions beginning with The New Republic. After writing editorials (1921–29) for the reformist World, Lippmann served as its editor (1929–31) and then moved to the New York Herald Tribune. On Sept. 8, 1931, his column, “Today and Tomorrow,” first appeared; eventually, it was syndicated in more than 250 newspapers in the United States and about 25 other nations and won two Pulitzer Prizes (1958, 1962). In preparing his commentaries, he traveled throughout the world.

His first book, A Preface to Politics (1913), was mildly socialistic, but Drift and Mastery (1914) was anti-Marxist, and in The Good Society (1937) he repudiated socialism entirely. During World War II he warned against a postwar return of the United States to an isolationist policy. Essays in the Public Philosophy (1955) evoked some criticism for its natural-law theory.

In perhaps his most influential book, Public Opinion (1922; reissued 1956; paperback ed., 1965), Lippmann seemed to imply that ordinary citizens can no longer judge public issues rationally, since the speed and condensation required in the mass media tend to produce slogans rather than interpretations. In The Phantom Public (1925) he again treated the problem of communication in politics; while continuing to doubt the possibility of a true democracy, he nonetheless rejected government by an elite. (From Brittanica). During the 1930s and World War II, Lippmann was widely considered the premier national journalist of the United States.

The column that follows appeared in the Herald Tribune on July 15, 1936 and was approvingly included in Luigi Ligutti and John C. Rawe, Rural Roads to Security: America’s Third Struggle for Freedom (Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing 1940).

We live in a time when great masses of civilized men have either voluntarily surrendered their liberties or at least have submitted with­out serious protest or resistance to the destruction of their personal liberties. It is important that we should understand the causes. This is not too difficult. For while a library of books might profitably be writ­ten on the subject, one fundamental aspect of the question at least is clear enough to anyone who passes back and forth between the totalitarian and the free nations of Europe.

It is this: The peoples who have lost their civil rights had previously lost or had never obtained the means of economic independence for individuals, families and local communities. It is very clear, I think, that the masses who have fallen under the spell of demagogic dictators and their terroristic bands were recruited from individuals who had no property, no savings, and either no job at all or a job which they could not feel sure of holding. They were in the exact sense proletarians even if they happened to be earning fairly high salaries at the moment, for they had no reserves to fall back upon. They could not afford to lose their jobs. They could not afford, therefore, to speak their minds or to take risks, to be in any real sense of the word individual citizens. They had to be servile or they starved. Wherever a dictatorship has been set up in Europe, the mass of indi­viduals had already become so insecure that they no longer dared to exercise the legal liberties that the demagogue was attacking.

To have economic independence a man must be in a position to leave one job and go to another; he must have enough savings of some kind to exist for a considerable time without accepting the first job offered. Thus the peasant, for all his poverty and the exploitation which he suffers, is relative to his own needs still the freest man in central Europe. The fact that he can exist by his own labor on his own piece of land gives him an independence which every dictatorial regime, except the Russian perhaps, has been forced to respect.

But the industrial worker who has a choice between working in one factory and not working at all, the white collar intellectuals who com­pete savagely for the relatively few private positions and posts in the bureaucracy – these are the people who live too precariously to exer­cise their liberties or to defend them. They have no savings. They have only their labor to sell, and there are very few buyers of their labor. Therefore, they have only the choice of truckling to the powerful or of perishing heroically but miserably. Men like these, having none of the substance of liberty themselves, have scant respect for any law or any form of civil rights.

The more I see of Europe the more deeply convinced do I become that the preservation of freedom in America, or anywhere else, de­pends upon maintaining and restoring for the great majority of indi­viduals the economic means to remain independent individuals. The greatest evil of the modern world is the reduction of the people to a proletarian level by destroying their savings, by depriving them of private property, by making them the helpless employees of private monopoly or of government monopoly. At that point they are no longer citizens. They are a mob. For when the people lose this sense of their separate and individual security, they cease to be individuals. They are absorbed into a mass. Their liberties are already lost and they are a frightened crowd ready for a master.

Though the actual measures to be taken are debatable, the objec­tives for a free government are, I think, clear. It should use its authority to enable the independent farmer, the small and moderate-sized enter­prise, the small saver, to survive. It should use its authority to see that large enterprises are no larger than technology requires, depriving big business of corporate privileges and other forms of legal and economic advantage which make it bigger than on economic grounds it needs to be. A resolute democracy should favor the dispersion of industry rather than its concentration, and it should favor the rise in as many communities as possible of different kinds of enterprise rather than a high degree of specialization on some one product. For unless the means of independence are widely distributed among the people them­selves, no real resistance is possible to the advance of tyranny.

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